DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies. The area measurements are an estimate from satellite imagery and, hence, not precise values.

1. Introduction – The Forest at Stake

In the heart of northern Chhattisgarh lies Hasdeo Arand, one of India’s last great stretches of unbroken forest. Locals call it the ‘lungs of Chhattisgarh’, and it’s not hard to see why - the canopy stretches for miles, home to elephants, leopards, sloth bears, and countless other species. Rivers and streams crisscross the landscape, sustaining both wildlife and hundreds of indigenous villages that have lived here for generations (Cassey, 2020; Naidu, 2024).

But beneath this green expanse lies another treasure: an estimated 5 billion tonnes of coal (Paliwal, 2022). For decades, the presence of this resource set up a collision course between energy needs and ecological survival. At one point, Hasdeo was classified as a ‘no-go’ zone for mining because of its dense tree cover and biodiversity (Sra, 2020). That protection, however, did not last.

To geologists and policymakers, Hasdeo is not only a forest but also a coalfield. The Geological Survey of India designated a Hasdeo Arand Coalfield (HAC), covering nearly 1,875 square kilometres of coal-bearing geology (Ravi, 2022). For administrative purposes, this coalfield was carved into 23 individual coal blocks, each of which could be allocated to companies or state utilities for mining (Ravi, 2022). Together, these blocks cover about 472 square kilometres, cutting into one of central India’s most ecologically significant zones.

Among these 23 blocks, one in particular would become the first to test Hasdeo’s protections, the Parsa East and Kente Basan (PEKB) coal block. It was here that mining began, setting in motion the transformation of Hasdeo from an intact forest to a contested mining landscape.

2. Approvals and the First Mine (2007 – 2013)

The first step toward mining in Hasdeo Arand came in 2007, when the Parsa East and Kente Basan (PEKB) coal block was allotted to the Rajasthan Rajya Vidyut Utpadan Nigam Ltd (RRVUNL), a state-run power utility in Rajasthan. The block held an estimated 450 million tonnes of coal and was seen as a vital fuel source for Rajasthan’s power stations (Paliwal, 2022).

From the outset, PEKB was controversial. In 2010, India’s Forest Advisory Committee recommended that mining not be allowed in Hasdeo Arand, calling it a ‘no-go’ zone because of the forest’s dense canopy and ecological importance (Sra, 2020). Yet in March 2012, the central government granted final (Stage II) clearance for PEKB (Paliwal, 2022). The decision went against the advice of the ministry’s own experts and inspection reports, which had also flagged that local indigenous communities had not given free and informed consent (Cassey, 2020; Sra, 2020). Concerns were set aside in the name of meeting energy demands.

Meanwhile, Rajasthan’s power utility had brought in a private partner to actually develop and operate the mine. In 2007, it formed a joint venture with the Adani Group, one of India’s largest conglomerates, which took a majority stake (74%) in a new company called Parsa Kente Collieries Ltd (Paliwal, 2022). By 2013, Adani was on the ground as the official Mine Developer and Operator (MDO), responsible for acquiring land, resettling villages, and extracting coal (Paliwal, 2022).

The first visible transformation appeared that year. In early 2013, tree-felling began, and open-pit mining machinery rolled in near the villages of Parsa and Salhi. By December 2013, satellite images clearly show forest clearing underway, with settlements inside the block boundaries gradually erased and residents displaced.

Families were relocated to a resettlement site in Basen, where they received compensation but lost their ancestral homes and forest-based livelihoods. Oral histories collected later suggest that this displacement fractured communities, with many families struggling to adapt in the years that followed (Cassey, 2020; Paliwal, 2022; Ravi, 2022).

Many news reports specifically highlight the erasure of Kete village as symbolic of PEKB’s impact. In my analysis of historical settlement footprints, most of the affected hamlets fall within the official boundary of Parsa village (based on the 2001 Census shapefile). This difference likely reflects boundary updates over time. Regardless of administrative lines, the evidence is clear: by 2013, several settlements that once stood within the PEKB coal block had begun to vanish from the landscape.

3. A Decade of Change in Hasdeo

Over a decade of satellite imagery reveals how the PEKB coal block has reshaped Hasdeo Arand. What began as a small pit in 2013 has grown into a vast scar on the landscape by 2025.

• Total mine footprint: expanded from 218 hectares (2013) to 1,389 hectares (2025), a six-fold increase.

• Forest removed: about 1,013 hectares of forest have been cleared, meaning nearly three-quarters (73%) of the mine’s area once held dense forest cover.

• Growth phases: the expansion has not been uniform. Instead, it unfolded in four distinct phases:
  • Phase I (2013-2016): initial growth, steady but moderate.
  • Phase II (2016-2019): rapid expansion, the steepest surge in deforestation.
  • Slowdown (2020-2022): growth nearly stalled, coinciding with protests and a state resolution against mining.
  • Phase III (2023-2025): a fresh surge as new political support accelerated tree felling.
• Settlements erased: several small hamlets that existed in 2010 within the PEKB block no longer appear on satellite images in 2025, confirming reports of entire villages being displaced.

Together, these results show a clear pattern: mining has advanced in waves, driven by policy decisions and contested on the ground by indigenous communities. Let’s look at each phase a bit more closely.

Below is a before-and-after comparison between 2016 (left image) and 2025 (right image) for you to get a quick visualisation of the landscape. Slide it to see the changes by yourself.

3.1 Phase I (2013-2016): Initial Growth

Between 2013 and 2016, the PEKB mine expanded steadily but moderately. The mine footprint grew from 218 hectares in 2013 to 503 hectares by late 2016, while forest loss climbed to 213 hectares. In this early stage, mining cleared land equivalent to more than 300 football fields, setting the stage for much larger expansion to come.

Satellite imagery shows the transition clearly. In 2011, the block was covered almost entirely by continuous forest canopy, dotted with small hamlets and farmlands/shrubs/grasslands. By December 2013, the first pits were visible. By 2016, the footprint had more than doubled, consuming forest and farmlands/shrubs/grasslands inside the block.

Based on the 2001 census village boundaries, most of the settlements in the PEKB block fall within the boundary of Parsa village. Some media reports describe this phase in terms of erasure of ‘Kete village’ (which is actually an adjacent village), which may reflect updated administrative boundaries or local mining conventions. Regardless of the labels, the evidence is consistent: settlements that once stood inside the PEKB block are slowly being consumed by the mining pits.

3.2 Phase II (2016-2019): Rapid Expansion

If the first years marked a cautious start, the period between 2016 and 2019 brought the most dramatic changes in Hasdeo Arand. The mine footprint nearly doubled in this phase, growing from 503 hectares in 2016 to 955 hectares by 2019. This was the period of largest year-on-year increases: +136 ha in 2017, +191 ha in 2018, and +125 ha in 2019.

Forest loss rose in parallel, crossing the 500-hectare mark by 2019, more than half of the total forest (till June 2025) cleared so far. Much of this loss was concentrated in contiguous patches, fragmenting what was once a dense canopy.

Satellite images from these years show how the pit expanded aggressively outward, consuming large tracts of the block and some settlements and moving closer to the boundaries of nearby villages. What had started as a single open pit now began to resemble a sprawling mining zone. It is during the 2017/2018 period a bunch of hamlets that are in the centre of PEKB block were completed consumed by the mining pits.

Reports from the time reinforce this picture. By 2017, PEKB was operating at a capacity of 10-15 million tonnes of coal per year (Naidu, 2024). Local communities described this period as the peak of tree felling, with several protests held against the rapid clearances. Activists also highlighted the cancellation of community forest rights in villages like Ghatbarra as a turning point that deepened tensions between residents and mining authorities (Derhgawen and Mohan, 2024; Paliwal, 2022; Ravi, 2022).

By the close of 2019, Phase II had transformed PEKB from a modest initial pit into a major industrial site. The rapid pace of clearing in these years accounts for almost half of the mine’s total expansion to date (June 2025).

3.3 Slowdown & Pause (2020-2022)

After the surge of expansion during 2016-2019, the period from 2020 to 2022 marked a noticeable slowdown in the growth of PEKB. The mine footprint grew from 955 hectares in 2019 to 1,132 hectares in 2022, a modest increase compared to previous years. Annual increments were smaller: +83 ha in 2020, +92 ha in 2021, and almost no change in 2022.

Forest loss followed the same pattern. While cumulative loss reached over 630 hectares by 2022, year-on-year clearing was minimal. In 2020, just 8 hectares were lost, and in 2022, only a minor change was registered.

The imagery from this period shows a pit still active but no longer expanding as aggressively into the surrounding forest. This relative pause coincides with a turbulent political and legal backdrop. In 2019, India’s National Green Tribunal heard challenges related to Hasdeo’s clearances, and local opposition gained visibility (Law, 2023; Naidu, 2024; Ravi, 2022). In July 2022, the Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly passed a rare unanimous resolution against further mining in Hasdeo, reflecting the growing protests by Adivasi communities (Naidu, 2024).

For residents and activists, this phase was seen as a fragile victory, evidence that sustained protests could at least slow, if not stop, the destruction. Yet, as subsequent years would show, the pause was temporary.

3.4 Phase III (2023-2025): Surge

The period from 2023 onward has seen mining in Hasdeo Arand accelerate once again. After years of relative slowdown, the PEKB footprint surged from 1,132 hectares in 2022 to 1,389 hectares by mid-2025. This marks one of the sharpest expansions since the project began, with +84 ha added in 2024 and +128 ha in just the first half of 2025.

Forest loss mirrored the surge. In 2024 alone, 171 hectares of forest were cleared, followed by another 155 hectares in 2025, pushing cumulative loss past the 1,000-hectare mark. By mid-2025, roughly three-quarters of the total mine footprint (73%) was carved directly from forests.

Satellite imagery and maps from this period reveal the scale of change: fresh clearances advancing into Phase II of PEKB and toward the neighbouring villages of Kete and Ghatbarra. Several small settlement patches digitised from 2010 basemaps are now erased (as mentioned before during the 2017/2018 phase), and the mine edge is visibly encroaching toward the boundaries of settlements in Ghatbarra village.

News reports from late 2023 and 2024 confirm the on-ground picture. Despite earlier resolutions against mining, the change of state government in 2023 reopened the door for expansion. By October 2024, local media reported that 5,800 trees were cut in just two days to make way for the expansion, while PEKB Phase II resumed tree-felling after a year-long pause. Activists and community groups revived protests, leading to fresh confrontations with police in late 2024 (Das, 2024; Derhgawen and Mohan, 2024; Naidu, 2024).

Together, the data and reports highlight a critical turning point: what had been framed as a temporary halt has given way to a renewed push for coal, with heavy costs for Hasdeo’s forests, its habitat and its people.

4. What this means for Hasdeo’s future

The story of PEKB is more than a sequence of hectares gained and trees lost. Together, the numbers and images reveal how one of India’s great forest frontiers is being steadily transformed. What began as a single pit in 2013 has now spread across nearly 1,400 hectares, with more than 1,000 hectares of dense forest erased. The result is a landscape visibly fragmented – pits and overburden dumps where once there was a continuous canopy.

The time-lapse captures this change: a decade of forest turned into an industrial mining zone. It is not only a record of what has already been lost, but also a warning of what might lie ahead if expansion into adjoining coal blocks continues.

For the forest itself, the cost is immense. Hasdeo is part of central India’s vital wildlife corridor, home to elephants, leopards, and sloth bears (Naidu, 2024). Clearing large tracts of canopy breaks these habitats into fragments, making wildlife movement harder and increasing conflict with nearby villages (Sharma, 2024). Forests that once moderated local climate and water cycles are now being replaced by bare earth, heat, and dust.

For local communities, the mine has meant displacement and uncertainty. Several settlements that appeared in 2010 imagery no longer exist today. Families have been relocated to resettlement colonies, often losing access to their ancestral land and forest-based livelihoods. Protests have risen in response, with indigenous groups warning that new clearances will uproot more villages and deepen their struggles (Cassey, 2020; Law, 2023; Ravi, 2022).

Politically, Hasdeo’s future remains contested. In 2010, it was called a ‘no-go’ forest; in 2022, the Chhattisgarh Assembly passed a resolution against mining. Yet by 2023, new state leadership signalled support for expansion, and mass tree-felling resumed. The satellites make clear what these policy shifts mean on the ground: each approval translates to new scars on the forest.

Hasdeo now stands at a crossroads. Whether the remaining blocks are mined or spared will determine if this forest continues as a living ecosystem and home for its people, or if it becomes another entry in the ledger of coal-driven loss.

5. Methodology

The numbers and figures in this article are based on my own analysis of publicly available satellite imagery, including high-resolution commercial data (Planet Scope (Planet Team, 2025)), open datasets such as Landsat and archival imagery from Google Earth Pro. All boundaries were manually digitised upon visual inspection, year by year, in a GIS environment to calculate the growth of the mapping footprint and the extent of forest cleared. Settlement areas visible in older imagery (Google Earth Pro) were also mapped to track which hamlets have since disappeared inside the active mining zone.

These calculations are research estimates, meant to illustrate the scale and pace of change in Hasdeo Arand. They are not official government statistics, and small differences are possible compared to administrative records. The results should therefore be read as a spatial narrative, showing how the forest has been transformed over time rather than as precise regulatory measurements.

References

• Cassey, B., 2020. “The forest is everything”: indigenous tribes in India battle to save their home from Adani – in pictures. The Guardian. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Das, A., 2024. The details of Adani’s colossal coal-mining agenda. Adani Watch. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Derhgawen, S., Mohan, D., 2024. Erased from the Map: The Story of a Village in Hasdeo. The Wire. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Law, G., 2023. The forgotten people in Adani’s agenda of coal exploitation in India - a list of community conflicts. Adani Watch. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Paliwal, A., 2022. ‘It was a set-up, we were fooled’: the coal mine that ate an Indian village. The Guardian. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Planet Team, 2025. Planet Application Program Interface: In Space for Life on Earth. https://api.planet.com
• Ravi, P., 2022. How are Chhattisgarh’s Adivasis fighting back miners in central India’s densest forest? The Hindu. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Sharma, A., 2024. Chhattisgarh’s aggressive coal mining is destroying its critical elephant corridors. The Hindu. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Sra, G., 2020. Coal mining and community activism in India. Ecologist. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025
• Naidu, J.S., 2024. What is the Hasdeo Arand mining issue, and why villagers clashed with the police. Explained News - The Indian Express. The Indian Express. Accessed on 26 Sep 2025

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies. Field measurements and assessments are based on survey data collected in August 2022.

1. Introduction

Kerala’s coastline is as beautiful as it is fragile. Stretching over 593 kilometres, this narrow strip of land faces the Arabian Sea on one side and backwaters, lakes, and rivers on the other. For generations, fishing communities and coastal towns have thrived here. But today, the coast is under siege. Nearly 41% of Kerala’s shoreline is eroding, placing lives, livelihoods, and infrastructure at risk.

In response, a vast network of seawalls, groins, and breakwaters has been built over decades to hold back the sea. Yet questions remain: How well are these structures working? Which stretches of coast are secure, and which remain vulnerable?

In August 2022, ten scientists covered nearly 600 km of coastline across all nine coastal districts of Kerala, assessing over 1,200 seawalls, groins, and revetments — structure by structure. The findings were published in the Journal of Coastal Conservation and directly informed Kerala’s first State Shoreline Management Plan (SMP).

Published study: Murali, M.G., Veeravalli, S.G., Alluri, S.K.R. et al. “Statewide field assessment of coastal protection structures in Kerala, India: structural and functional insights.” Journal of Coastal Conservation 29, 39 (2025). Read the paper →

But beyond the technical report and journal article, there is a deeper story hidden in the data. Each district tells its own tale: of seawalls standing firm or crumbling under waves, of groins that trap sand or fail to hold a beach, and of communities living with the daily reality of an eroding coast.

In this blog post, I take you on a district-by-district journey along Kerala’s coastline, bringing together numbers, maps, and field photos to show what the sea has taken, what still stands, and what these patterns mean for the future of coastal resilience in Kerala.

2. Kerala Coastline: District-by-District Insights

Below is the table showing overall structure status statistics before we jump into the individual districts discussion.

2.1 Thiruvananthapuram

Thriuvananthapuram, Kerala’s southernmost district, has about 75 km of coastline, of which roughly 40% is lined with protection structures. These include long stretches of seawalls and nearly 70 groins built to break wave energy and hold sand in place.

Our survey showed a mixed picture of performance. About 14.5 km of seawalls were intact, doing their job well, while 7 km showed partial damage, and another 4.6 km had collapsed completely. The groins told a similar story: out of 68, nearly two-thirds were still standing strong, but the rest were either damaged or no longer effective.

In the field, we observed clear differences in how the coast responded. For example, intact seawalls at Panathura, Veli, and near Varkala still provided good protection. But places like Pozhiyur, Poonthura, and Shangumugham showed damaged seawalls with no visible beach in front of them, raising concerns about erosion. Some groin fields, such as those at Thazhampally, showed little sand trapped between structures, while stretches like Veli and Puthukurichi still had healthy beaches 10-20m wide.

These observations highlight that while structures remain the backbone of coastal protection, their condition directly affects how well they retain sand and shield communities. In Thiruvananthapuram, regular maintenance and complementary measures like beach nourishment could make the existing investments more effective.

2.2 Kollam

Kollam has about 46 km of coastline, and it is one of the most heavily protected stretches in Kerala - more than 90% of it is lined with seawalls and groins. This makes Kollam stand out as the district with the highest percentage of coastal defences.

On the ground, our team found 27.8 km of intact seawall, but also 7 km showing partial damage, and about 2 km fully collapsed. Out of the 86 groins, only 39 were in good shape, while most others were partially damaged or not functioning as intended.

The effectiveness of these structures varied widely. Some stretches, like Paravur Thekkumbagam to Thottukuzhi, had beaches 10-15 m wide, showing that the seawalls and groins there were helping stabilise the shoreline. In contrast, key areas such as Thanni, Thangaserry, and Alappad showed little to no beach formation, even right next to the defences. This indicates erosion pressures are still high despite the heavy protection.

Interestingly, some groin fields - such as Kattil successfully trapped sand between their arms, creating usable beaches. But in other locations, like Alappad and Parayakkadavu, groins did not show the same effect, pointing to differences in how waves and currents interact along the district.

Overall, Kollam demonstrates both the strengths and limitations of a structure-heavy approach: while much of the coast remains shielded, erosion hotspots persist, reminding us that periodic maintenance and site-specific solutions are just as important as the presence of structures themselves.

2.3 Alappuzha

Alappuzha has one of the longest coastlines in Kerala, about 83.5 km, and it is also one of the most heavily engineered. Nearly 72% of the coast is lined with seawalls and groins, with over 47 km of seawalls and an impressive 216 groins built to hold back the sea.

Despite this, Alappuzha presents a mixed picture. Our survey showed only 12 km of seawall intact, while about 19 km were partially damaged, and another 16km had collapsed completely. The groins told a similar story: while 108 remained functional, 96 were only partly effective, and 12 had collapsed.

The real measure, of course, lies in how these defences interact with the beach. In some areas, like Punnapra to Alappuzha town, we found wide sandy beaches up to 150-175 m, a sign that the structures were working with natural processes to trap sand. But in other stretches, such as Valiazheekal and Pallana and parts of Ayiramthai and Thyckal, there was little to no beach formation, leaving the shoreline vulnerable.

The variation across the district tells us something important: the same type of structure can perform very differently depending on local conditions. Strong currents and sediment drift patterns in Alappuzha mean that some groin fields succeed in creating usable beaches, while others fail a few kilometres away.

In short, Alappuzha is a reminder that the sheer number of structures is not enough. It’s the strategic placement, maintenance, and adaptation that ultimately decide whether coastal communities stay safe.

2.4 Ernakulam

Ernakulam’s 45 km coastline is one of the busiest in Kerala, with fishing harbours, ports, and urban settlements packed close to the shore. To defend this stretch, about 79% of the coast is lined with seawalls and groins - a total of 37.4 km of seawalls and 41 groins.

On paper, this looks like strong protection. But our survey revealed a more uneven reality: only 12 km of seawalls are intact, while nearly 23 km showed partial damage, and another 2.5 km had broken down completely. Among the groins, 22 remained effective, while 16 were partially damaged and 3 had failed entirely.

The consequences of this are clear when we look at the beaches. From Kodamthuruthu to Fort Kochi, stretches of coastline had no beach at all, meaning waves were hitting the defences directly, accelerating wear and tear. In contrast, the section from Puthuvype to Elamkunnapuzha held beach widths of 5-40m, suggesting that the structures there were better aligned with natural sediment movement. But again, further north around Njarakkal, Cherai, and Munambam, beaches were absent, leaving the coast exposed.

For Ernakulam, the lesson is sharp: high urban and industrial pressure make the coastline less forgiving. Defences here not only need to be maintained, but also designed with changing coastal dynamics in mind. Otherwise, we risk losing beaches altogether - something already visible along several stretches.

2.5 Thrissur

Thrissur’s 61.5 km coastline shows a patchwork of protection and exposure. About 45% of its length is covered by seawalls and a handful of groins - specifically 27.5 km of seawalls and just 3 groins. Compared to the southern districts, the coverage here is lower.

Our survey found that only 5 km of seawalls were intact, while 6.7 km were partially damaged, and a worrying 15.8 km had fully disintegrated. The groins offered little resistance; just one remained intact, two were partly damaged, and none were fully effective.

On the ground, the picture was striking. In areas like Kara and Padinjare Vemballor, seawalls had been pushed out of place by strong waves, leaving communities exposed. Other completely broken stretches were visible from Vadanapally to Ganeshamangalam. Only short sections, such as Koolimuttom and Moonupeedika, still had an intact seawall.

When it came to beaches, Thrissur revealed both promise and concern. North of Munambam, wide beaches of nearly 350 m were present, tapering to 25 m near the tsunami colony - an indicator that sediment was accumulating well in these stretches. But further south, from Arattuvazhy to Perinjanam, beaches disappeared entirely in front of the seawalls. Interestingly, older seawalls at Moonupeedika and Palapetty were associated with beaches 40-120 m wide, showing that age and design can sometimes work in favour of stability.

Overall, Thrissur’s coast highlights how erosion and protection don’t follow a single pattern - some areas have thriving beaches, while others face severe loss. It reinforces the need for district-specific shoreline strategies rather than one-size-fits-all approaches.

2.6 Malappuram

Malappuram’s 50.8 km coastline has some of the highest coverage of protection structures in the state, with about 73% of its length shielded. This includes 36.9 km of seawalls and 3 groins. On paper, that sounds like strong defence, but in reality, many of these structures are struggling.

Our survey found only 11.1 km of seawalls intact, while 15.3 km were partially damaged, and another 10.5 km had completely collapsed. The groins were in even worse shape - none intact, two partly damaged, and one entirely gone. These figures underline how high coverage doesn’t always mean high protection.

Field visits confirmed this vulnerability. Along stretches like Kappirikkad, Veliancode, Puthuponnani, Ponnani beach, and Puthiya Kadappuram, seawalls were visibly broken and scattered. Yet, in between, there were pockets of resilience - for example, intact walls near Padinjarekka, Azhikkal, Tanur fishing harbour, and Vallikunnu still held their ground, though often flanked by weaker stretches.

The beaches told an equally mixed story. From Kappirikad to Ponnani lighthouse, beaches were almost absent, except for narrow 10-20m strips at Puthuponnani and Mylaichikadu. Further north, however, there were brighter stops - beaches 15-20 m wide at places like Paravanna, Thottumpuram, Alungal, and Anangadi, suggesting sediment was still accumulating in patches. Yet, other locations such as Unniyal, Ottumal, and Kadalundi Nagarm showed no such formation, leaving communities exposed.

In sum, Malappuram illustrates the challenge of relying heavily on structures: even with widespread coverage, the condition and functionality matter most. The district’s coastlines are a patchwork of protection and vulnerability, needing urgent repairs and smarter planning.

2.7 Kozhikode

Kozhikode’s 78 km coastline is also one of the most heavily engineered in Kerala, with 53 km of seawalls and 16 groins. On paper, this means over 70% of the coast has some form of defence. But as our survey showed, the real picture is mixed.

Only about 10.5 km of seawalls remain intact, while 28.1 km are partly damaged and 14.4 km are in poor or collapsed condition. The groins fared slightly better, with 5 intact and 11 partially damaged, but none fully non-functional. This uneven performance highlighted how structures built for defence can themselves become weak points over time.

On the ground, we found long stretches where protection was visibly compromised - including Calicut South, Bhatt Road, Thuvvapra, Kolavi beach, Vatakara, and Kuriyadi. At the same time, pockets of strength were evident around Godhishwaram, Elathur to Kappad, Kodikkal, and Payyoli, where intact seawalls still held their line against the sea.

The beaches reinforced this contrast. Some areas, such as Chaliyam to Koyiland harbour, displayed 10-25 m wide beaches, especially near Godhishawaram, Kozhikode beach, Vellayil, Puthiyappa, and Kappad. These stretches suggested reasonably effective sediment retention. But elsewhere at Kadduka bazar, Vakkadavu, Bhatt Road, and Thuvvapara - beaches had vanished, leaving walls directly exposed to waves. Further north, from Kovali beach to Sand Banks, beaches were patchy, with 10-30 m widths at places like Palithazhe, Kodikkal, and Payyoli, but absent in locations such as Urupyakavu temple, Mukhacherry, and Choombala harbour.

Kozhikode’s coast is thus a study in contrasts: some areas well-stabilised, others stripped bare. It shows how even within a single district, coastal protection is never uniform - success depends on both structural maintenance and natural processes.

2.8 Kannur

Kannur’s 69 km coastline is defended with 44.1 km of seawalls and 13 groins. This means over 60% of the shoreline is lined with structures. Yet, much like elsewhere in Kerala, the condition of these defences raises concern.

Our survey showed that only a small fraction of seawalls were intact. Instead, 31.8 km were partially damaged, and another 9.3 km had completely disintegrated. The groins reflected this pattern of decline: 5 intact, 5 partially damaged, and 3 fully collapsed.

The picture along the shore was striking. In stretches such as Hussanmotta to Thalaserry harbour, Kizhunna to Thottada, Thayyil to Mappila Bay, and Ettikulam to Payyambalam, seawalls stood broken or weakened. Entirely washed-out segments were seen from Kokkapuram to Thalassery market and south of Kizhunna, leaving vulnerable gaps.

When we looked at beaches, Kannur’s coast revealed its mixed fortunes. Many stretches, especially between Pettipalam and Dharmadom, had no visible beach at all, exposing seawalls directly to wave attack. But there were also bright spots. The famous Muzhappilangad drive-in beach offered 20-30 m wide sandy shores, continuing northward to Azhikkal breakwater. Similarly, from Ezhimala to Valiyaparamba, stretches of 10-25 m wide beaches were observed, showing that sediment still finds places to accumulate.

Overall, Kannur demonstrates the fragility of Kerala’s coastal defences. Despite extensive seawall coverage, damage is widespread, and beach formation remains patchy. The district’s experience underlines the need for maintenance, hybrid solutions, and sediment management, rather than relying solely on hard structures.

2.9 Kasaragod

At the northern tip of Kerala lies Kasaragod, with an 83.5 km coastline. Unlike districts further south, only about 32% of this stretch is defended, mostly by 24.5 km of seawalls and 13 groins. While this may sound like less intervention, the story on the ground is far from reassuring.

Our survey found that all seawalls in Kasaragod were in need of attention. Of the total, 18.9 km were partially damaged and 5.6 km were completely disintegrated. The groins offered a slightly better picture: 9 remained intact, while 4 showed partial damage.

Walking along the coast, we noted severe seawall failures at Kovval, Bekkal-Thrikkanad, Thaikkadapuram, Kumbala, Mogral, and north of Charangai. Only scattered stretches, at Kasaba, Manjeshwar, Chembirikka, and Berika, had intact or partial functional walls. The groin fields north of Uppala displayed a mixed pattern of intact and damaged structures.

Beach formation in Kasaragod was equally uneven. In some places, such as Thaikkadapuram, Ajanur Kadappuram, Bekal fort, and Chembirikka north, beaches of 5-15 m width were visible, suggesting limited sediment retention. Yet other stretches like Kottilkalam, Kanikadappuram, Kovval, and parts of Chembirikka showed no beach at all, leaving defences exposed. Interestingly, at Hosebettu, on the northernmost tip near the Karnataka border, we observed a nearly 200 m wide beach - one of the widest in the state, marking a natural sediment sink.

Kasaragod’s shoreline shows the risks of partial protection. Where structures exist, they are often failing, and where they don’t, erosion remains a constant threat. The stark contrast between eroding segments and wide sandy accumulations underscores the need for a coastline-wide management strategy, instead of piecemeal interventions.

3. Reflections across districts

Looking across all nine districts of Kerala, some clear patterns emerge:

• Where seawalls stand, beaches often (not always) vanish. These hard defences stop waves, but they also cut off the natural supply of sand. Many stretches now have seawalls fronted by nothing but water.

• Groins work in some places, fail in others. Well-maintained groin fields can trap sand and create beaches - but many in Kerala are partially damaged or poorly designed, leaving gaps that allow erosion to continue.

• Maintenance matters. A seawall or groin is not a one-time fix. Neglect quickly turns these structures into rubble, which not only fails to protect the coast but sometimes worsens the problem for nearby communities.

These lessons went beyond academic insight. They directly shaped Kerala’s first Shoreline Management Plan (SMP) - a statewide roadmap for better coastal protection and planning. The survey data, structure assessments, and functional evaluations became the evidence base for prioritising interventions and guiding policy.

4. Closing Thoughts

The Kerala survey was more than a one-state exercise. It was a pilot that set the template. The methods we developed - combining structural assessment with functional evaluation of beaches have since been extended to Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Puducherry, forming a basis for their own Shoreline Management Plans.

If you are interested in what SMP documents contain and how they look, you can check out the Puducherry SMP document available officially from their website at this link here.

For us as a team, the Kerala survey was also an unforgettable field experience. Ten scientists, split into four groups, covered nearly 600 km of coast in just weeks, often walking under the blazing sun, talking to fishing communities, and collaborating with KID officials. The knowledge we gathered was not just technical - it was human, grounded in the lives of people who depend on the sea every day.

Looking back, this work shows how detailed local surveys can feed directly into policy. The data became a foundation for sustainable planning, while the lessons learned in Kerala are now shaping coastal management across India.

If you’d like to explore the full details, you can read the published article

Published study: Murali, M.G., Veeravalli, S.G., Alluri, S.K.R. et al. “Statewide field assessment of coastal protection structures in Kerala, India: structural and functional insights.” Journal of Coastal Conservation 29, 39 (2025). Read the paper →

References

Murali, M.G., Veeravalli, S.G., Alluri, S.K.R. et al. “Statewide field assessment of coastal protection structures in Kerala, India: structural and functional insights.” Journal of Coastal Conservation 29, 39 (2025). https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11852-025-01124-y

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies. The area measurements are an estimate from satellite imagery and, hence, not precise values.

1. Introduction - The Disappearing Hill and the Hidden Truths

For years, Rushikonda Hill stood as one of Visakhapatnam’s most scenic coastal landscapes - an untouched natural barrier against the forces of the sea, rich in vegetation and a part of the city’s ecological identity. Rising along the Bay of Bengal, it wasn’t just a hill; it was a symbol of Visakhapatnam’s connection with nature, offering panoramic views, sheltering species, and serving as a green lung in an otherwise expanding urban landscape.

But today, Rushikonda is no longer what it used to be. What was once a pristine, tree-covered hill has been transformed into a construction site - its slopes chipped away, its forests replaced with concrete, and its natural beauty masked under artificial green mats.

The project behind this transformation was marketed as a tourism initiative, a redevelopment of the Haritha Resort by the Andhra Pradesh Tourism Development Corporation (APTDC). Officials promised it would boost tourism and enhance Visakhapatanam’s appeal (Source: Hindustan Times). However, as construction progressed, serious allegations surfaced - claims that the project was not meant for public tourism at all. Instead, critics argued, it was designed for political luxury, with lavish villas, private suites, and high-end amenities that hardly matched the idea of a typical public resort (Source: News Meter).

For the longest time, the government kept the project hidden from public scrutiny. Journalists were blocked from accessing the site, images of the construction were scarce, and even drones were prevented from capturing aerial footage. When allegations of excessive destruction arose, the authorities responded in a rather unusual way - they covered the parts of the barren slopes with green mats, attempting to create an illusion that the hill remained intact (Source: News Meter).

But satellite imagery tells a different story!

By analyzing high-resolution satellite images, we can now piece together the real timeline of destruction. From the first tree-clearing activities in 2021 to the peak phase of land excavation in 2022, and finally, the cover-up with green mats in 2023, these images expose the scale of environmental loss that was kept out of public view.

This is not just a story about political controversy - it is a case study of how environmental destruction can be hidden, manipulated, and dismissed under the guise of development. And at the heart of it all, it is the people who lose the most - as taxpayers who funded this, as citizens who were denied transparency, and as a community that lost an irreplaceable piece of its natural heritage.

In this article, we uncover:

• How much of Rushikonda Hill was actually destroyed (based on satellite data evidence)?
• How political ambitions shaped the construction, going beyond public purpose?
• How authorities attempted to cover up the damage with misleading visuals?
• What this destruction means for Visakhapatnam’s environment and coastline?

This is an investigation driven by facts, visuals, and the truth that no green mat can hide.

2. From Pristine to Pulverized: Rushikonda’s Timeline of Destruction

2.1 Before the Storm: Rushikonda’s Original State (Before mid 2021)

Satellite imagery from December 2018 to mid-2021 confirms that Rushikonda remained in its original form, with no visible signs of deforestation or large-scale construction. Only ~3 Acres acres of built-up area existed, mostly consisting of small structures from the original Haritha Resort, which blended naturally into the green surroundings. The rest of the hill remained covered in thick vegetation, playing an important role in supporting Visakhapatnam’s coastal ecosystem.

Rushikonda’s Environmental Significance

• A Natural Coastal Shield: The hill acted as a barrier against strong winds, storms, and coastal erosion, helping stabilize the shoreline.
• Green Cover & Wildlife Habitat: It supported a thriving ecosystem, providing shelter for birds, small mammals, and native plant species.
• Climate Regulator: The tree cover helped regulate local temperatures, reducing urban heat effects in the city (a common benefit of green spaces in urban areas).

(Sources: Hindustan Times, Deccan Chronicle, The Times of India)

But all of this was about to change. Between mid-2021 and 2022, Rushikonda would undergo an irreversible transformation, losing a substantial part of its natural terrain to a government-backed project.

This was the beginning of the end for Rushikonda as it once existed!

2.2 The Tipping Point: When Construction Began (August 2021 - May 2022)

For years, Rushikonda remained untouched, its dense green cover providing protection against coastal erosion and acting as a natural retreat. But everything changed In August 2021 when the first signs of destruction appeared.

The First Scars on the Hill

Satellite imagery from June 25, 2021, and August 22, 2021, confirms that construction activity had begun during this period. The first clearing of trees became visible, marking the start of an irreversible transformation.

• Deforestation began, with large patches of green cover being cleared.
• Initial excavation efforts chipped away at the hill’s natural slopes, making space for new construction.
• Road networks started emerging, carving into the untouched landscape.

While no official announcements were made about the scale of the project, the satellite images revealed what the authorities weren’t saying - Rushikonda was no longer safe from large-scale development.

By May 2022: The Peak of Destruction

What started as small clearings in mid-2021 exploded into full-scale land excavation by early 2022. Satellite imagery from March to May 2022 shows the most drastic phase of environmental loss:

• By April/May 2022, ~19.1 acres of land had been impacted either by clearing, digging up, or levelling - over 6 times the original built-up area (~ 3 acres).

• Huge chunks of the hill were removed, exposing bare land where dense vegetation once stood.

• The natural contours of the hill were permanently altered, with flattened land replacing the once steep, forested slopes.

• Construction materials and heavy machinery appeared, signalling that this was not a minor redevelopment project but a complete overhaul.

• The destruction was so extensive that even long-time residents of Vishakhapatnam were shocked at the scale of the land loss. Yet, the government remained tight-lipped, refusing to acknowledge the extent of the damage.

Violating Environmental Norms?

With over 19 acres of land altered, serious questions arose:

• Did the construction exceed the permissible limits?

• Were proper environmental clearances obtained?

• Was the project violating Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) norms?

Reports indicate that the project was only granted approval for 9.88 acres of construction (Source: The Times of India). Yet, satellite evidence suggests that almost double this area was impacted.

Instead of answering these concerns, the government restricted media access to the site, making it harder for journalists and environmentalists to document the ongoing destruction.

The damage was done. Rushikonda, once a lush, green coastal guardian, was now a bare, carved-out construction zone. But what followed next was even more shocking - a massive effort to conceal the destruction from public view.

2.3 The Great Cover-Up: Green Mats & Misinformation (Dec 2022 - November 2023)

By late 2022, the destruction of Rushikonda Hill was impossible to ignore. The once-green slopes had been flattened, carved, and stripped of vegetation, leaving behind an expanse of exposed soil and concrete foundations. Locals, activists, and opposition leaders started raising questions, demanding transparency about how much land had actually been destroyed.

Instead of responding with accountability or reforestation plans, the authorities took a different approach - they tried to cover up the damage, quite literally.

The First Appearance of Green Mats

The first signs of coordinated cover-up appeared during December 2022 - February 2023. Satellite imagery confirms that artificial green mats were laid over the most visible slopes of the hill, particularly on the western side, where the main road runs and public movement is high.

• These mats created an illusion of greenery, making it look like the hill was regenerating naturally.

• But the satellite view told the truth - this was not reforestation but a staged effort to conceal environmental destruction.

• Instead of addressing the loss of vegetation, the government chose deception.

A Timeline of the Deception: How the Green Mat Cover-Up Expanded

• February 2023: First mats appeared on the western slope, directly facing the road and public areas.

• March 2023: Expansion towards the northern slopes, strategically covering exposed construction zones.

• May 2023: The pace of mat placement increased, hiding more than half of the excavated areas.

• November 2023: By this point, almost the entire carved area was hidden under green mats.

Satellite images captured the gradual spread of these mats, proving that this was a systematic effort - not a spontaneous environmental restoration.

Why This Cover-Up Matters

The use of green mats was more than just a visual trick - it was a deliberate attempt to mislead the public.

• It created the illusion that the hill was still intact, hiding the extent of land loss.

• It made it difficult for activists and journalists to visually prove the scale of destruction.

• Instead of investing in reforestation or other mitigation measures, the authorities chose a shortcut - covering up scars rather than healing them.

This move backfired when aerial footage and drone imagery exposed the truth. The deception became a symbol of the government’s failure to prioritize environmental responsibility.

By late 2023, independent observers, opposition parties, and environmentalists called out the cover-up, bringing national attention to the issue. Reports emerged questioning why the government needed to ‘paint’ a green hill instead of restoring it naturally.

But by then, the damage had already been done. Rushikonda had lost more than just its trees and slopes - it had lost its ecological role as a coastal buffer and a habitat for wildlife.

And as 2024 approached, the full scale of the destruction would become impossible to ignore.

In the next section, we uncover the present-day fallout - how the government is struggling to repurpose a project that was never meant for public use in the first place.

2.4 2024: The Present-Day Fallout

The Rushikonda redevelopment project was officially inaugurated on February 29, 2024, but instead of being welcomed as a major public tourism initiative, it has become a political and environmental disaster. What was once marketed as a state-of-the-art tourism facility is now seen as an extravagant, oversized complex with no clear purpose. The damage to the hill is permanent, the cover-up attempts have been exposed, and the new government is left scrambling to figure out what to do with the space.

(Sources: News Meter, The Indian Express, Republic World, The Print)

What Remains Today?

With the project completed, satellite imagery from December 2024 offers a final verdict on the physical transformation of Rushikonda.

• ~12 acres of land are now occupied by buildings, roads, and artificial landscape.

• ~3.3 acres are still covered with green mats, likely to mask the excess destruction beyond permitted limits.

• The once naturally sloping hill now has flat, concrete spaces, permanently altering its original shape.

• Not a single effort has been made for true ecological restoration.

What was once a thriving green hill intertwined with minimal built-up structures is now a luxury resort-like facility, stripped of its natural charm.

3. A Project Without a Purpose

With the change in government in 2024, the ruling Telugu Desam Party (TDP) inherited this project from the previous YSRCP-led administration. However, there’s a major problem - this is not a public-friendly resort.

• Lavish interiors, including chandeliers, bathtubs, and luxury furnishings, suggest that the space was designed for an elite audience - not everyday tourists. (Source: News Meter)

• Critics allege that this project was meant to be the private camp office of former Chief Minister Jagan Mohan Reddy - which explains why the scale and opulence of the construction do not match that of a regular tourism facility. (Source: Republic World, The Print)

• Now, the government doesn’t know what to do with it. It is too expensive to maintain as a tourism facility, and repurposing it for public use remains unclear. (Source: The Times of India)

The irony is that public money was spent on this development, but the public itself may not have much use for it.

3.1 The Permanent Loss: Who Pays the Price?

Beyond the political blame game, it is the people of Visakhapatnam - and the environment - that have suffered the biggest loss.

• Rushikonda’s role as a natural coastal buffer is gone: The hill’s vegetation once protected the coastline from erosion, but now, concrete replaces the trees that once held the soil together.

• The green cover will not return: You cannot regrow a hill that has been carved away. Even if trees are planted now, the terrain itself has been permanently altered.

• This a case study of how unchecked development damages both nature and public trust: The project began without transparency, moved forward without accountability, and now exists without clear utility.

In the end, Rushikonda was lost not just to construction, but to political greed and environmental neglect.

4. A Moment of Reckoning

As 2024 progressed and we enter into 2025, the new government has a decision to make - what should be done with this space?

• Will they open it to the public, despite its elite infrastructure?

• Will they repurpose it for another use, admitting that it was not meant to be a true tourism project?

• Or will it remain a forgotten, controversial landmark - symbolizing political excess at the cost of nature?

No matter what happens next, one thins is clear - Rushikonda, in its original form, is never coming back.

And that is the real tragedy!!

References

• Planet Team (2025). Planet Application Program Interface: In Space for Life on Earth. San Francisco, CA. https://api.planet.com

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies.

1. Setting the Stage

Along the southwestern coast of Tamil Nadu near the southernmost point of India lies Thengaipattinam Habour, a vital lifeline for the local fishing community. Situated where the Arabian Sea meets the Thamirabarani River, this harbour occupies a unique and precarious location. On one side, the relentless waves of the Arabian Sea batter its shores with high energy. On the other, the river’s rising water levels creep closer to the homes of those who depend on the harbour for their livelihood.

The harbour is not just a place for docking boats; it’s the heart of a community. Fishing is the primary livelihood of thousands of families in this region, making the harbour indispensable (Source: Times of India). However, this critical infrastructure is constantly under threat. The force of nature - high-energy waves, monsoon-driven floods, and shifting river dynamics - have created a battle for survival that the residents of Thengaipattinam fight daily.

Adding to the complexity is the geography surrounding the harbour. Just north of it lies a narrow strip of land sandwiched between the sea and the river. This strip is home to approximately 400 buildings, including homes and small businesses. Here, the stakes are even higher. Every monsoon season brings the fear of overtopping waves from the sea and erosion from the riverbank, leaving residents struggling to adapt.

For Thengaipattinam, the stakes couldn’t be clearer: the harbour is more than just a physical structure. It is the lifeblood of a community that relies on it not only for economic sustenance but also for safety and stability. But as the forces of nature grow stronger, one question looms large: how long can the harbour, and the people who depend on it, hold their ground?

2. The Engineering Dilemma

The construction of Thengaipattinam Harbour’s breakwater has been a story of ambition, setbacks, and adaptation. Built to shield the harbour from the high-energy waves of the Arabian Sea, the breakwater has faced repeated failures due to the region’s extreme coastal conditions. Below, I explore its journey from design to damage and eventual reconstruction.

2.1 Purpose and Initial Challenges

The breakwater was envisioned as a critical barrier against the Arabian Sea’s powerful waves, ensuring calm waters for fishing vessels to dock safely. Designed to cater to the needs of the thriving fishing community, the harbour was expected to improve safety, reduce accidents, and enhance economic opportunities for the local population.

Constructed in 2019 at a cost of Rs 97.4 crore, the breakwater was designed to create a safe docking space for fishing vessels. However, its location, characterized by high wave energy due to wave refraction and strong winds, presented significant challenges. Studies reveal the region experiences annual mean wave power between 15 and 20 kW/m, among the highest along the Indian coastline (Sanil Kumar et al 2015). This intense wave energy accelerated the degradation of the breakwater and exposed its vulnerabilities.

2.2 Government Interventions

Recognizing these challenges, the Tamil Nadu government sanctioned Rs 77 crore in January 2021 to extend the breakwaters by 200 meters to mitigate the wave impacts. The design was revised to account for high wave energy, incorporating materials like stones weighing 2 to 12 tonnes to enhance durability (Source: Times of India).

By August 2022, plans were announced for an additional 630-meter breakwater to protect fishermen from Thengaipattinam and nearby Erayumanthurai. Personal field experiences and satellite imagery showed gradual progress during this period, yet delays were evident. Reports suggested logistical challenges, including sourcing materials and adapting designs to the unforgiving marine environment (Source: DT Next).

Despite these efforts, community members voiced concerns about the design’s alignment and effectiveness. Fishermen advocated for a 450-meter primary breakwater at a 45-degree angle to counteract the violent tides, along with entry and exit points aligned in the south-north direction (Source: The Hindu).

Both field observations and satellite imagery confirm that the extension work has faced significant challenges, including suspensions in progress due to structural issues. These difficulties prompted a reevaluation of the project design before construction resumed. This planet imagery from late 2023 shows how the extension section of the breakwater got damaged, halting its construction progress.

2.3 Current Status

Satellite imagery from December 2024 suggests that significant progress has been made, with the extended breakwater appearing near completion. However, without official confirmation, the precise status remains uncertain. My comparison of images from 2023 and 2024 highlights visible improvements, particularly in areas that were previously breached.

Notably, the construction of the extension section appears to follow two distinct angles:

• The first segment, approximately 260 meters long, was completed at one angle.
• A second segment, around 140 meters in length, was constructed at another angle as of December 2024 making it a total of 400 meters.

It is encouraging to see the construction resume and progress after facing significant setbacks in 2023. However, the true test of its resilience lies in how the structure withstands the unforgiving wave forces over time.

2.4 Reflections on the Engineering Journey

The harbour’s experience points to three lessons that apply far beyond Thengaipattinam:

1. Local context matters. Engineering designs must account for site-specific conditions — wave energy regimes, sediment dynamics, and seasonal variability — not just standard specifications.
2. Ongoing adaptation is essential. Initial construction is only the beginning. Structures in high-energy environments require regular inspection, maintenance, and willingness to redesign when initial assumptions prove wrong.
3. Community voices are crucial. The fishermen who advocated for a 45-degree breakwater angle did so from lived experience of how waves behave at this location. Incorporating that knowledge leads to more effective solutions than desk-based design alone.

3. Lives on the Edge

3.1 A Precarious Existence

Just north of Thengaipattinam Harbour lies a narrow strip of land caught between two powerful forces of nature. On one side, the Arabian Sea unleashes relentless waves, eroding its coastline. On the other, the Thamirabarani River steadily rises, creeping closer to the homes and businesses of the roughly 400 buildings perched precariously on this sandwiched land. Google’s 2.5D building data highlights the density of life in this fragile zone, where residents have little room to manoeuvre as the forces of nature close in from both sides.

This unique geography makes the strip particularly vulnerable during the monsoon season. Waves frequently overtop the seawalls along the coast while the river swells and destabilizes the rear, cracking walls and weakening foundations. For those living here, the narrow margin between the sea and river is more than just physical - it is a daily battle for stability and survival.

3.2 Observations from the Ground

During my 2023 fieldwork, the fragility of this strip became painfully evident. Sea-side challenges were starkly visible: roads running along the coast bore the brunt of wave action, with large sections damaged. Towering seawalls, built to protect the strip, were frequently overtopped during storms, leaving the roads unusable and exposing nearby buildings to further risks.

On the river-side, the challenges were no less severe. Rising water levels in the Thamirabarani River had begun to destabilize the foundations of homes, leading to cracks in walls and visible signs of structural weakening. Field photos showed homes perilously close to collapse, with water encroaching dangerously near the edges of the settlement.

3.3 Coping with Uncertainty

Despite the looming threats, the residents of this sandwiched land continue to endure, navigating an uncertain and often dangerous existence. Damaged roads disrupt access to essential services, while homes remain at constant risk of further erosion or flooding. For many, relocation is not a viable option due to socio-economic constraints, leaving them with no choice but to adapt to these increasingly dire conditions.

The daily lives of the residents reflect their precarious situation - repairing cracked walls, clearing debris after storms, and grappling with the uncertainty of when the next disaster might strike. The narrow strip north of the harbour exemplifies the immense human cost of living at nature’s mercy, underscoring the urgent need for holistic resilience efforts that go beyond protecting the harbour itself.

4. Holding Ground Against the Waves

Thengaipattinam Harbour and its surrounding community stand as a testament to both the immense power of nature and the resilience of those who live at its mercy. The harbour’s battered and rebuilt breakwater reflects the ongoing struggle to create an infrastructure capable of withstanding one of India’s most challenging coastal environments. At the same time, the sandwiched strip of land north of the harbour highlights the human cost of living on the edge, where every storm and rising tide brings uncertainty and risk.

While progress is evident - seen in the near completion of the extended breakwater and continued efforts to fortify the harbour - the challenges for the region remain far from over. The stories of damaged roads, destabilized homes, and relentless wave energy reveal that engineering solutions alone are not enough. A broader, more holistic approach is needed, one that combines infrastructure improvements with strategies to address the vulnerabilities of the surrounding community.

Thengaipattinam’s story is a microcosm of the wider challenges faced by coastal communities across the globe. As the forces of nature grow stronger with climate change, the lessons learned here - about adaptation, resilience, and the need for sustainable solutions - will be vital for navigating the storms ahead.

References

1. Sanil Kumar, V., & Anoop, T. (2015). Wave energy resource assessment for the Indian shelf seas. Renewable Energy, 76, 212–219. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.renene.2014.11.034

2. Sirko, W., Brempong, E. A., Marcos, J. T., Annkah, A., Korme, A., Hassen, M. A., & Quinn, J. (2023). High-Resolution Building and Road Detection from Sentinel-2. arXiv preprint arXiv:2310.11622.

3. Planet Team (2025). Planet Application Program Interface: In Space for Life on Earth. San Francisco, CA. https://api.planet.com

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies.

1. Background

The coastal regions of Kerala have long been centres of maritime activity, supporting vibrant fishing communities and serving as hubs for regional trade. In recent years, these areas have witnessed infrastructural developments, notably the construction of the Vizhinjam International Seaport in the capital city of Thiruvananthapuram.

The Vizhinjam International Seaport, developed by Adani Ports in collaboration with the Kerala government, is envisioned as a pivotal transhipment hub. Strategically located near international shipping routes, the port aims to enhance India’s maritime trade capabilities by accommodating ultra-large container vessels. Initiated in 2015, the project faced delays due to land acquisition challenges and local protests but is now progressing toward completion (Source: Reuters).

In parallel, the Muthalapozhi Harbour, located near the confluence of the Vamanapuram River and the Arabian Sea (39 km north of Vizhinjam International Seaport), has been a focal point for local fishing communities. Commissioned in 2020, the harbour has faced significant safety challenges, with hazardous conditions at its mouth leading to numerous accidents and fatalities among fishermen (Source: New Indian Express).

Recognizing these issues, the Union Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, and Dairying approved a comprehensive development plan for Muthalapozhi Harbour in October 2024. The project, with a budget allocation of Rs 177 crores, aims to enhance safety and infrastructure, including extending the breakwater and implementing modern facilities to support the local fishing industry (Source: New Indian Express).

These developments occur within the broader framework of Kerala’s Coastal Zone Management Plan (CZMP). In November 2024, the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change approved the CZMP for ten coastal districts, including Thiruvananthapuram. Aligned with the Coastal Regulation Zone Notification of 2019, the plan seeks to balance developmental aspirations with environmental conservation, ensuring sustainable growth while protecting coastal ecosystems (Source: ENSURE IAS).

During my tenure at the National Centre for Coastal Research (NCCR), I conducted field surveys in Thiruvananthapuram accompanied by Kerala government officials. We aimed to collect data on coastal structures and geomorphology to inform shoreline management plans (SMPs). This article reflects my personal observations and reflections from that period, offering insights into the complexities and challenges associated with coastal development in Kerala.

2. Field Observations and Encounters

2.1 Vizhinjam Seaport Incident

As part of our field survey in Thiruvananthapuram, I visited the area near the Vizhinjam International Seaport to document coastal structures. While observing the ongoing construction of the seaport’s breakwater, I attempted to take photographs from a public beach located adjacent to the site. Despite being in a public area and accompanied by Kerala government officials, private security personnel employed by Adani Ports intervened immediately.

The security staff insisted on deleting the photos, citing security concerns tied to the project. The abruptness of the encounter was a stark reminder of how corporate entities can assert control over spaces that are traditionally considered public. It also raised larger questions about the balance between private development and public access, especially in areas critical to the livelihoods and identities of local communities.

2.2 Observations at Muthalapozhi Harbour

At Muthalapozhi Harbour, a similar story of infrastructural dominance unfolded. During our visit, I observed that a section of the southern breakwater had been dismantled to create a transport facility. Large quantities of rocks, presumably intended for the construction of the Vizhinjam Seaport, were stockpiled near the harbour. Barges were actively ferrying these materials southward toward Vizhinjam.

Officials accompanying us confirmed that these modifications were part of an arrangement with Adani Ports to facilitate the seaport’s construction. While the breakwater modification served its purpose for the seaport, it had visibly disrupted the harbour’s infrastructure. The dismantling of a protective structure left the harbour mouth more vulnerable, intensifying navigation challenges for local fishermen.

This direct observation underscored a significant interplay between large-scale infrastructural projects and existing coastal facilities. It became clear that such changes, though operationally necessary for one project, can create cascading effects on other parts of the coastline.

3. Public Discourse and Broader Insights

3.1 Community Concerns and Protests

The construction of the Vizhinjam International Seaport has elicited significant reactions from local communities, particularly fishermen whose livelihoods are intertwined with the coastal ecosystem. Fisherfolk have expressed fears that the port’s development could exacerbate coastal erosion, disrupt marine ecosystems, and threaten their livelihoods. In mid-2022, protests intensified, with demonstrations staging sit-ins at the port entrance in Mulloor, demanding a halt to construction and a comprehensive environmental impact assessment (Source: Down to Earth).

The Latin Catholic Archdiocese of Thiruvananthapuram has played a significant role in mobilizing the community against the project, highlighting the socio-economic challenges faced by the fisherfolk. Their involvement underscores the deep-seated concerns about the long-term implications of the port on coastal communities (Source: New Indian Express).

3.2 Environmental and Safety Issues at Muthalapozhi Harbour

Muthalapozhi Harbour has been plagued by safety concerns, with frequent boat accidents resulting in numerous fatalities. Between 2015 and 2023, over 70 fishermen lost their lives due to hazardous conditions at the harbour mouth. The dismantling of the southern breakwater to facilitate material transport for the Vizhinjam International Seaport has been linked to increased risks, as it altered tidal patterns and sediment deposition, exacerbating navigational challenges (Source: Down to Earth).

Comparison of Muthalapozhi Harbour before, during and after the modification of southern breakwater.

Empowering Coastal Monitoring with Technology

The use of satellite imagery brings significant advantages:

• Unrestricted Monitoring: It eliminates ground-level barriers, ensuring continuous documentation of projects.
• High-Resolution Insights: It provides detailed visuals of even subtle changes in coastal morphology and infrastructure development.
• Transparency and Accountability: By offering an independent means of observation, it supports evidence-based discourse around such transformative projects.

This experience has reaffirmed the value of combining fieldwork with technological tools. Where access on the ground might be restricted or challenging, satellite data becomes an ally, enabling us to track, analyze, and contribute to conversations about sustainable development and community welfare.

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5. Conclusion

The stories of Vizhinjam Seaport and Muthalapozhi Harbour reflect the complexities of coastal development — where economic ambitions intersect with environmental realities and community livelihoods. These projects highlight the importance of adopting a holistic approach that balances infrastructural progress with sustainability and inclusivity. My journey, from field observations restricted by on-ground challenges to discovering the power of satellite imagery, underscores the transformative potential of technology in fostering transparency and accountability. As coastal regions worldwide face similar dilemmas, the lessons from Kerala emphasize the need for open dialogue, rigorous planning, and a commitment to protecting the fragile balance between development and natural ecosystems. Ultimately, it is through collaboration — between governments, corporations, researchers, and local communities — that truly sustainable coastal futures can be shaped.

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References

1. Planet Team (2025). Planet Application Program Interface: In Space for Life on Earth. San Francisco, CA. https://api.planet.com

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2023-01-02T00:00:00+00:002023-01-02T00:00:00+00:00https://sgveeravalli.com/blog/2023/mcbt

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies.

1. Background

Every 12 minutes, a person dies in India from a snakebite. It has been India’s most ignored health issue. Snakebite is a serious problem, especially in rural India where numerous highly poisonous species are commonly found in and around agricultural fields. The most severe and lethal bites, accounting for 95% of all snakebite deaths in India, are caused by four snake species, known as the ‘Big four’. They are

Venomous snake bites can result in severe local tissue damage, shock, paralysis, bleeding, acute kidney injury, and other acute medical issues that, if ignored, can be deadly or result in lifelong impairment. By having prompt access to safe and efficient antivenoms, the majority of deaths and severe effects from snakebite envenomation (exposure to venom toxins from the bite) may be avoided. Envenomation and snakebite mortality are largely neglected topics in global health.

However, in 2017, the World Health Organization (WHO) identified snakebite as a significant problem for public health and has listed it as a ‘Neglected Tropical Disease’ in developing nations.

The WHO also unveiled a plan for the prevention and control of snakebites in 2019, with the goal of halving the number of fatalities and incidents of severe impairment by 2030 compared to the baseline year of 2015. India, which accounts for over half of all snakebite deaths worldwide, will need to make significant progress in order to achieve this objective.

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2. Statistics

Though the precise number of snakebites is unclear, estimates indicate that, among the 5.4 million persons who’ve had snakebites, up to 2.7 million may have been envenomated annually eventually causing death. Every year, between 81,000 and 1,38,000 individuals pass away, followed by amputations and other permanent impairments caused by snakebites.

Deaths among young people aged 10 - 30 years have a negative impact on both households and the nation as a whole due to the loss of economically productive members of society. Pregnant women are particularly vulnerable to experiencing hemorrhage and miscarriage as a result of being bitten by a venomous snake. According to previous studies, in many parts of South Asia, only half of the snakebite victims reach a healthcare facility within 6 hours. This delay in seeking treatment often leads to 70-80% of fatalities.

The Registrar General of India’s Million Death Study (RGI-MDS) estimates that the number of annual deaths from venomous snakebites in India ranges from 45,900 to 50,900, with nearly 97% of these deaths occurring in rural areas. According to the RGI-MDS, the states with the highest number of snakebite deaths are West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Bihar, and Maharashtra. These deaths often occurred while the victims were sleeping (30%), playing (30%), or engaged in outdoor or field activities (28%).

2.1 Demographic Statistics of Snakebites

A 20-year study found that there were 1.2 million deaths from snakebites during 2000 - 2019. These deaths were evenly split between males (602,000) and females (565,000).

The largest group of victims were middle-aged (30-69 years old, 47% of deaths), followed by children under 15 years old (28% of deaths), adults 15-29 years old (17% of deaths), and those over 70 years old (9% of deaths).

LL: Lower Limit, UL: Upper Limit

2.2 Snakebite Statistics at National Level

The figure illustrates the risk of dying from a snakebite using data from 7400 small areas in India from 2004 to 2013.

It was found that in the highest-risk areas of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, the risk of death from a snakebite before age 70 was greater than 0.6% (1 in 167).

These areas are home to approximately 260 million people, including 4 million people living in hot spots with a 1% or greater risk of death from a snakebite.

2.3 Snakebite Statistics at District Level

A district-level analysis conducted from 2017-2018 and 2018-2019 found that snakebite was most prevalent in districts located in the southern states of India. Specifically, districts in Maharashtra (14 districts), West Bengal (12 districts), Andhra Pradesh (9 districts), Tamil Nadu (8 districts), Telangana (2 districts), Odisha (2 districts), and Uttar Pradesh (2 districts) reported higher rates of snakebite in India during these two consecutive years.

Purba Medinipur district in West Bengal and Nashik in Maharashtra had the highest number of snakebite cases in India in 2018-2019, with 4,904 and 4,294 cases, respectively. In 2018-2019, districts in Maharashtra such as Palghar (3,204), Thane (2,655), Kolhapur (2,298), Pune (2,102), Ratnagiri (1,994), and Jalgaon (1,842) had higher numbers of snakebite cases compared to other districts in the state. Similarly, in West Bengal, the districts of Purba Bardhhaman (4,119), Nadia (3,025), Bankura (2,912), Murshidabad (2,514), and Hugli (2,394) reported more cases in the state compared to other districts.

In Andhra Pradesh, East Godavari (2,612), Krishna (2,367), Srikakulam (2,212), West Godavari (2,184), Vishakhapatnam (1,836), and Chittoor (1,479) districts reported high numbers of snakebite cases. In Tamil Nadu, Cuddalore (2,598), Vellore (2,454), Viluppuram (2,005), and Kancheepuram (1,965) districts had high numbers of snakebite cases.

In other states, Palakkad (1,300) in Kerala, Sitamarhi (2,186) in Bihar, Bhadrak (2,065) and Jajpur (2,961) in Odisha, and Sultanpur (1,062) and Ambedkar Nagar (1,065) in Uttar Pradesh also reported high numbers of snakebite cases.

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3. The Treatment

All these statistics are alarming, especially in light of the fact that nations like the United States of America and Australia record 10-12 deaths per year from poisonous snakebites. Australia is less populous, yet it has more venomous snakes than other countries.

Some snakebite victims turn to unqualified practitioners or traditional healers for treatment, which can further endanger their health. In hospitals, snakebite victims are typically given antivenom to treat the bite. Although there is an antivenom available to treat snakebites, called polyvalent antivenom, there is a lack of public awareness about the drug, and its distribution is insufficient. This can make it difficult for snakebite victims to access this life-saving treatment.

The Madras Crocodile Bank Trust (MCBT) and its partners have launched a snakebite project that includes venom sampling and research, mapping of snake and snakebite treatment centers, and a nationwide campaign to raise awareness about snakebite prevention and treatment. The goal of this project is to reduce the number of snakebite incidents and improve outcomes for snakebite victims.

3.1 Irula Snake Catchers Cooperative Society

The Madras Crocodile Bank Trust (MCBT) helped the Irula tribal community, who were previously involved in the snake-hunting industry for the snakeskin trade, to establish the Irula Snake-Catchers Cooperative Society.

This society, which operates under licenses from the Wildlife Department, involves Irula snake catchers in the Chinglepet area capturing, extracting, and freeze-drying venom from snakes, which is then sold to antivenom-producing laboratories such as the Haffkine Institute. The snakes are released back into the wild after three extractions.

This project, which was funded and recognized with awards, has been a pioneer in the field of sustainable resource use and has been in operation for over 40 years. The venom produced by the Irula Snake-Catchers Cooperative Society has been used in the majority of India’s antivenom production.

The group was founded in 1979 by Romulus Whitaker, the founder of the Madras Crocodile Bank Trust, in order to provide a sustainable livelihood for the Irula tribe, a marginalized community in the region. The Irula Snake-Catchers Cooperative Society is made up of trained professionals who are skilled in capturing and safely handling venomous snakes.

They are called upon by local authorities and individuals to remove snakes from homes, gardens, and other areas where they may pose a threat to humans. The snake catchers use a variety of methods to safely capture the snakes, including hooks, tongs, and traps.

In addition to their work as snake catchers, the Irula Snake-Catchers Cooperative Society is also involved in snake conservation efforts. The group works to educate the public about the importance of snakes in the ecosystem and the need to coexist with them.

3.2 Madras Crocodile Bank Trust

The Madras Crocodile Bank Trust and Centre for Herpetology is a non-profit organization located in Mamallapuram, Tamil Nadu, India. Romulus Whitaker, a herpetologist, established the foundation in 1976 with the goal of saving crocodile and alligator species, as well as other reptiles, through breeding and research programs.

It was founded in an effort to safeguard and conserve endangered crocodile populations. For the past 30 years, the trust’s founders and affiliated researchers have been conducting studies on crocodile behavior, habitat, and ecology in order to fulfill its goal. This research tremendously aided them in developing and implementing various conservation strategies for crocodile habitat protection. One of the trust’s early triumphs was the breeding and release of two endangered crocodile species, the Indian Saltwater Crocodile and the Gharial. It began to serve as a living genetic repository for crocodiles.

In addition to its research and conservation efforts, the Madras Crocodile Bank Trust also operates an education center and runs a number of public awareness and outreach programs. The organization hosts school groups, community groups, and other visitors, and offers a range of educational resources and activities aimed at increasing awareness about reptile conservation and the importance of sustainable resource use.

The Crocodile Bank currently comprises of a major reptile park near Chennai, Southern India. The zoo receives almost 500,000 visitors every year, making it one of the most popular tourist destinations.

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4. Conclusion

Snakebite-related morbidity and mortality can be prevented and avoided through proper medical intervention in developing countries. Snakebites are an underestimated cause of accidental death in India that should be addressed through health policy. Improving access to antivenom, emergency transportation, and proper first aid measures at primary healthcare facilities can reduce the number of fatalities caused by snakebites in the country. The Irula Snake Catchers Community is doing a tremendous job utilizing their professional and personal experience in producing the raw material required for generating antivenom saving thousands of lives every day.

I suggest visiting the Madras Crocodile Bank Trust as well as the Irula Snake Catchers Society when you are in Chennai to experience and get aware of the vast knowledge the people are having at this place and get educated in the process. If you are interested to know more about this organization do click the button below. If you are interested in donating to the Irula Snake Catchers Society and support their noble work do click the link here.

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5. References

• Salve, P. S., Vatavati, S., & Hallad, J. (2020). Clustering the envenoming of snakebite in India: The district level analysis using Health Management Information System data. Clinical Epidemiology and Global Health, 8(3), 733–738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cegh.2020.01.011

• Suraweera, W., Warrell, D., Whitaker, R., Menon, G., Rodrigues, R., Fu, S. H., Begum, R., Sati, P., Piyasena, K., Bhatia, M., Brown, P., & Jha, P. (2020). Trends in snakebite deaths in India from 2000 to 2019 in a nationally representative mortality study. ELife, 9. https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.54076

• 70% of snakebite victims in rural India do not seek treatment in hospitals, finds a new study (gaonconnection.com)

• (15) (PDF) Snakebite Mitigation Project of the Madras Crocodile Bank/Centre for Herpetology, India: background and a brief summary of activities (researchgate.net)

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2022-06-06T00:00:00+00:002022-06-06T00:00:00+00:00https://sgveeravalli.com/blog/2022/plant-trees-to-fight-climate-change

NOTE

This article was originally published on LinkedIn in June 2019.

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies.

1. Introduction

Many cities across the world are increasingly planting trees to protect themselves from adverse climate change impacts like heatwaves and floods. Urban officials and environmental experts say planting trees is not only beneficial to the environment but also improves people’s physical and mental health. Planting more trees helps in reducing air pollution, improving the urban environment and reducing the impacts of climate change.

“Trees and green spaces lower stress levels and encourage people to exercise and socialise more”

— World Economic Forum

However, as the world is getting more and more urbanised, demand for housing and transport is putting pressure on green spaces, which will lead to the replacement of green surfaces with concrete surfaces. It is essential for each city/state to preserve a sufficient amount of green cover to maintain environmental stability and ecological balance.

India is no exception to the adverse climate change impacts. India is already suffering from deadly heat waves, and this summer might be India’s hottest summer ever. The below image shows high-temperature forecasts for a few major Indian cities for 4th(Tue), 5th(Wed) & 6th(Thu) of June 2019 (Image source: The Water Channel).

It is crucial for the city and state authorities to plan interventions that ensure people’s health and safety during these extreme climate change events. India has a long history of facing severe heatwaves in summer. The below image (Image source: DownToEarth) clearly shows that ‘heat stroke’ is the third major reason for natural deaths in India from the period 2000-2014.

The situation got worse in 2015. Especially, the states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana recorded the highest number of deaths due to severe heatwaves (around 2500 people died due to the 2015 heatwave alone in these two states).

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2. Telanganaku Harita Haram (TKHH)

To address the extreme climate change impacts especially the heatwaves, the Government of Telangana started a program called “Telanganaku Harita Haram“(TKHH) in 2015 with an ambitious plan to plant 2.3 billion trees by 2019 with a budget of INR 5500 crores (USD 795 million). The program aims to increase the state’s forest cover from 24% in 2015 to 33% of the total geographical area of the state in 2019 as envisaged in the National Forest Policy of India,1988. The National Forest Policy (1988) recommends that 33% of the country should be brought under tree cover/green cover to maintain environmental stability and ecological balance (India as of 2015 had 21.34% of forest cover). The primary objectives of the TKHH program are to rejuvenate degraded forests, protect these forests against encroachment, fire and grazing.

2.1 Implementation and Progress

To implement such a vast-scale program, the government decided to partner with various state & central departments and private bodies like NGO’s. The Government of Telangana ran campaigns with slogans like ‘Plant a Tree, Plant a Life’, ‘Don’t let our future dry up’ & ‘Live for Today, Plant for Tomorrow’ to encourage the citizens of the state to participate in the ambitious plan of planting 2.3 billion trees. People from different walks of life, government agencies, officers, prominent citizens and public representatives were invited and encouraged to participate in the event. The government designed the ‘District Action Plan’ and ‘Mandal level Plans’ to implement the TKHH program. These plans give detailed information about various aspects of the program like the number of seedlings required, the target of each district/mandal, number of sites, location of sites and assigned roles and responsibilities of each department involved in the TKHH program.

The infographic shows the total number of seedlings planted from 2015-2018 in the State of Telangana as part of TKHH program. The program had a slow start with only 2.9 million seedlings planted in the first year of the project. In the next three years through active campaigning and increased awareness, they could achieve 181,215 & 275 million plantations in 2016, 2017 & 2018 respectively. By the end of 2018, they could reach a total of 675 million plantations, which is just 29% of their set target (2300 million plantations by 2019).

To ensure the samplings are protected, a protection committee was formed to guard the plantations. To monitor the maintenance of the plants, they started geo-tagging every seedling they planted. Out of 675 million plantations, 644 million plantations were successfully geo-tagged by the end of 2018.

2.2 Current Status

Though the Government of Telangana could achieve only 29% of their set target in the first four years of the project, the government authorities showed positive consent in achieving their goal of 2300 million plantations by the end of 2019. To ensure that the process is fair and transparent, the Government of Telangana set up a live dashboard for the people to see the progress of TKHH program.

The above image shows a sample image of how the dashboard looks. It gives details of each district regarding the target of each district, how many seedlings planted till now, the number of seedlings geo-tagged, and how many seedlings to be planted to reach the target. It gives reports on various aspects of the TKHH program, even on a daily basis.

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3. Conclusion

An article by ‘The Times of India’ mentioned that the deaths due to heatwaves in Telangana declined to 700 in 2016, 375 in 2017 and 20 in 2018. I don’t claim that the TKHH program is the sole reason for the decrease in casualties due to heatwaves in Telangana, but I can say that the increase in tree cover is always a beneficial factor to humans as well as environment. It is a known fact, and many scientists around the world already proved it.

The ambitious target of achieving 2300 million plantations by the end of 2019 looks impossible as they need to plant 1625 million seedlings in one year. However, the good part is, they are still planting trees every day, which will eventually benefit humankind and our environment. Keeping aside the targets, in view of counter-climate change actions, ‘The Honorable Cheif Minister of Telangana, K. Chandrashekar Rao’ deserves applause for starting a program like TKHH in Telangana. The government’s effort to fight climate change is appreciative, and all other states in India as well as all over the world should emulate such projects to save our planet Earth.

Read on LinkedIn

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2022-05-25T00:00:00+00:002022-05-25T00:00:00+00:00https://sgveeravalli.com/blog/2022/circular-cities

NOTE

This article was originally published on LinkedIn in May 2021.

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this article are my own and do not represent those of any affiliated organizations or government bodies.

1. Introduction

Over the past few years, societies have undergone tremendous transformations due to rapid urbanization. Cities occupy a relatively small fraction of the Earth’s land area but serve as habitats for more than half of the human race (Parés-Ramos et al., 2013). Cities are the highest form of human interaction. Therefore, cities are increasingly becoming important as they act as catalysts of social, economic, cultural, and ecological change. They have attracted many people by providing employment opportunities, housing, education, and health care, being major cultural centers, centers of innovation, and provision of economic activities.

Rapid urbanization in many developing countries has resulted in uncontrolled urban growth (UN-Habitat, 2016). Uncontrolled urban expansion has been known to cause environmental degradation and social tension thereby threatening resilient and sustainable developments of cities. At the same time, the climate of our planet is changing rapidly both at the global and local scales. Cities are being continuously confronted with disasters such as floods, earthquakes, landslides, storms, and other extreme weather events. Climate change affects the intensity, magnitude, and spread of hazards whereas urban expansion increases population exposure to hazards. Therefore, systematic and contemporary strategies to build climate-resilient and sustainable cities should be developed.

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2. Why Asian Cities?

In terms of geographical area and population, Asia is the largest of the world’s five continents with over 50 countries. It covers approximately 45 million square kilometers and accounts for nearly 30% of the earth’s land area. It has a population of 4.6 billion people, contributing to about 58% of the world’s population as of 2021. With urbanization becoming a global phenomenon, especially in African and Asian countries, it is projected that by 2050, more than 66% of the world’s population will reside in cities, with 90% of that increase occurring in these two continents alone. Asia will be home to around 3.3 billion urban residents by 2050 which is almost two-thirds of the world’s urban population (Dulal, 2019). The below image shows the persistent issues and emerging urban challenges due to the increasing urban population.

In the West, where the largest metropolises barely exceed 10 million inhabitants, Asia’s megacities have already reached a scale that is unparalleled. It is estimated that the number of megacities in Asia will further increase with 21 out of 37 megacities around the world being in the Asian region by 2025 (Dulal, 2019).

Already the scale of greenhouse gas emissions in Asia is similar to that of developed economies from the west. If we don’t plan the Asian cities of tomorrow in a sustainable way the impacts of climate change across the world would be devastating as cities are responsible for more than 70% of global carbon dioxide emissions (UN-Habitat, 2016). Asia should take inspiration but not follow the footprints of western countries in advancing their cities or in urbanization patterns as Asia is significantly different from western cities in terms of geographical and climatic contexts, culture and heritage, living style, density, land use mixes, travel behavior, policies, governance, and institutional capacities.

Asia has to build its own unique cities embracing its culture, heritage, societal values while being climate-resilient and sustainable.

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3. Urban Form of Asian Cities

Asian cities have been compact with high densities with mixed land-use patterns for a long time. While dense cities offer some advantages like efficient land use, shorter commutes, better access to services, and preservation of green space outside the urban centers, they also have many negative effects, especially for the low-income groups (Cheshmehzangi & Butters, 2016). The influx of millions of new city inhabitants, combined with poor urban planning and a lack of appropriate policy instruments, put enormous pressure on land use, density, safety, resources, resilience, and sustainability. As a result, urbanization patterns in Asian cities are very diverse and uneven, with sprawl, congestion, environmental degradation, fiscal pressures, unemployment, and informal settlements developing in both peri-urban and urban areas.

One of the main disadvantages observed due to the high-density pattern in many Asian cities is the reducing affordability of living space. To accommodate the massive influx of residents, cities began vertical growth with high-rise buildings and massive residential complexes, encroaching on the city’s small green spaces, and resulting in concrete jungles. The skyrocketing prices of living spaces, combined with issues such as pollution, fire hazards, inadequate parking spaces, lack of green spaces, poor sound insulation, and a lack of adequate public facilities, drove many people out of cities, especially to the fringes. People with insufficient financial resources began to settle on the fringes and in informal settlements, resulting in sprawl and urban fragmentation. Urban sprawl is further being fuelled by demographic shifts such as aging population, volatile economic growth, unemployment, low-wage low-skilled jobs, income inequality, social polarization, and segregation (United Nations, 2019).

Most green spaces within cities were lost due to poor land-use planning and lack of proper land management policies, resulting in severe environmental and health issues.

Delhi, India’s capital, is an example of a city where residents are struggling to find clean air to breathe.

These peri-urban areas and informal settlements are often associated with a lack of infrastructure, inadequate or non-existent public services, poor housing quality, and safety, completely overlooking the communities’ resilience and sustainability. It is important to address the urban sprawl problems in urban development because it is responsible for over three-quarters of greenhouse gases (Chen et al., 2020).

Policies and instruments that encourage the inclusion of informal settlements and sprawled urban areas have the potential to significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions, improving the city’s climate resiliency.

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4. SDG 11: Making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable

Globally, achieving sustainable development has been the goal of every country. Sustainable development as defined in the Brundtland Commission report in 1987 is the development

“that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”

Goal 11 of the Sustainable Development Goals by the United Nations focuses on making cities and human settlements more inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable. It addresses various issues discussed above such as the environment, clean air, clean water, clean energy, waste management, effective disaster response, making public and living spaces safer and affordable for the vulnerable population, healthy economic growth, protecting culture and heritage, providing employment opportunities and supporting the least developed countries through financial and technical assistance.

Cities consume 75% of the world’s natural resources, emit 60 to 80% of greenhouse gas emissions, and produce half of the world’s waste.

Cities, therefore, play a critical role in driving sustainability, and ensuring that future Asian cities are built in a sustainable manner is crucial for achieving SDG11 globally and protecting our one and the only planet from the effects of climate change.

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5. Circular Cities: A New Approach Towards Urban Sustainability

We humans have historically taken a straightforward approach to the consumption of various assets and products. Basically, we consume them for a certain amount of time and then discard them, causing them to go to waste. As a result, the solution is linear, resulting in linear cities. However, considering the vast amounts of assets and products we consume, this is not a sustainable approach for cities, since we continue to pile items in landfills while having negative environmental consequences. As a result, waste disposed of in landfills and incinerators today contributes significantly to the city’s air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. The alternative to this linear approach is the new concept in urban sustainability: circular cities.

It is accomplished by consuming assets and products responsibly and feeding back the consumed assets and products into economical, societal, and environmental activities (United Nations, 2019). Circularity can be characterized by three key factors:

1. Increasing the utilization of assets and products. Example: Distributing unconsumed food to economically disadvantaged members of a community instead of disposing of it as waste — social circularity

2. Increasing their lifetime. Example: Utilizing household-consumed water for irrigation — environmental circularity

3. Creating a new life. Example: Recycling plastic waste for road construction — environmental and economic circularity

In addition to the Sustainable Development Goals and climate goals, the transition to circular cities would aid cities in achieving many persistent urban challenges like improved urban green spaces, mobility, biodiversity, and economic development. The following case studies show how Asian cities have adopted innovative and sustainable strategies by either increasing utilization, extending lifetime, or creating new life for assets and products.

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6. Case Study I — Kolkata, India

6.1 Challenge

Since the dawn of civilization, solid waste has been produced. Due to the low population density at the time, solid waste was disposed of in large open areas called landfills. However, one of the enduring issues of global urbanization has been how to manage our own waste without harming the environment or citizens’ health. Greater economic prosperity and an increasingly urban population usually result in increased solid waste production, a common phenomenon in developing countries. However, improper waste disposal has significant social, environmental, and economic implications, including the spread of infectious diseases, deterioration of air quality, and increased treatment costs and treatment plants for pollutants (Chattopadhyay et al., 2009). Solid waste collection, segregation, transportation, and disposal are often unscientific and chaotic in India which led to unregulated and uncontrolled disposal of solid waste on the outskirts of cities. Such overflowing landfills have negative environmental consequences like soil, groundwater, and air pollution, as well as contribute to global warming.

Kolkata is one of India’s fastest-growing cities, with a high urban density in terms of population and built-up area. It has a population of over 8 million and generates municipal solid waste of about 3,000 tonnes per day (Chattopadhyay et al., 2009). Waste mounds at the Kolkata dumping sites used to reach as high as 16 meters, leading to land, water, and air pollution. In addition, the dumping of solid waste in the River Ganges has resulted in the extinction or endangerment of biodiversity in the region (C40 Cities, 2017). The lack of waste segregation at the source, a low percentage of the house to house collection, low operational efficiency of the waste transportation system, low collection efficiency, and inadequate recycling system are identified as the major problems of solid waste management in Kolkata (Chattopadhyay et al., 2009).

6.2 Solution

The city has begun to segregate its waste under the ‘Kolkata Solid Waste Management Project’ in an attempt to address the problem of waste management, with the aim of creating a cleaner, healthier, and sustainable city. Recycling, composting organic waste, burying inert waste, and treating septic sludge were all part of the initiative. The project not only focused on improving the infrastructure but also on improving citizen involvement through elaborate public awareness campaigns. As part of the project, a common Regional Waste Management center was built, which includes a sanitary landfill, leachate treatment plant, and septic tank sludge treatment plant, as well as five composting centers. Additionally, the project will monitor air quality, minimize landfill methane concentrations and prevent groundwater contamination within 50 meters of the Regional Waste Management Centre’s perimeter (C40 Cities, 2017).

Ultimately, the ambitious initiative seeks to eliminate open dumping and waste burning entirely, as well as achieve 100% waste segregation at the source. Since the program began, segregation rates have increased by up to 80%, and open dumping has decreased by up to 35% (C40 Cities, 2017).

Environmental benefit: The regulated and controlled waste management system would reduce methane and greenhouse gas emissions, improving the quality of air, soil, and water while preserving the region’s biodiversity.

Social benefit: Many jobs, especially for unskilled people, have been created as a result of this project, such as waste collection, compost processing, and compost sale. After the project’s introduction, there has been a decline in infectious diseases, reducing the strain on the health system while improving the quality of life for city dwellers.

Economic benefit: Compost selling and processing has emerged as a new market in Kolkata, opening up trade opportunities and providing economic benefits to the region and the city as a whole.

In the sector of solid waste management, we can clearly see this approach as a circular city solution making the city climate-resilient and sustainable by creating a new life for the assets and products.

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7. Case Study II — Tokyo, Japan

7.1 Challenge

In urban areas, buildings and transportation account for a significant portion of energy demand. Because of the emission of greenhouse gases and other pollutants, energy consumption, which is mostly derived from fossil fuels, has an impact on climate and air quality. The IPCC has recognized compact urban form as a key climate mitigation measure, owing to lower per capita energy usage. High-density cities can accommodate more people in a smaller space. As a result, there is a movement toward taller buildings in order to accommodate the growing population.

However, researchers at UCL’s Energy Institute reported in 2017 that high-rise office buildings with 20 or more storeys use approximately two and a half times more energy per square meter of floor area than low-rise buildings with 6 storeys or less.

Tokyo, Japan’s capital, is one of the world’s largest metropolitan cities, with a day population of about 15.6 million as of 2010. The region, which generates nearly 20% of the country’s GDP, is by far the most important economic center in the country. Tokyo’s annual energy consumption was around 832 Peta Joules in 2013, with the industrial and commercial sectors accounting for more than 68% of the total (Doll & de Oliveria, 2017). As the country’s largest economic hub, Tokyo faces urban development issues due to a steady influx of people. Tokyo, with its high-rise buildings, has an issue to address in order to achieve maximum energy efficiency and reduce total energy usage to improve the city’s sustainability and climate resilience.

7.2 Solution

By enacting a mandatory cap-and-trade and emission reporting scheme, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) has devised a novel solution to address the problem of unsustainable energy use in the city. All large-scale buildings are required to limit carbon dioxide emissions under this innovative program, which is supplemented by an emission trading system (ETS) for those facilities that are unable to reduce the emissions internally. Capped facilities must minimize carbon dioxide emissions over each compliance cycle and submit annual emission reduction plans. Large tenants of the buildings are also required to submit emission reduction plans and collaborate with owners for efficient energy use. Under the Mandatory ‘Tenant Rating and Disclosure Program’ each apartment unit is given an evaluation and a rating, which is published on the city’s website. Although Tokyo already works with property owners to reduce energy consumption, tenant participation is critical to accelerating efficient energy use (C40 Cities, 2017).

By making tenants responsible parties, the program not only raises awareness and accountability but also incentivizes owners and tenants to cooperate for energy conservation. The mandatory submission of reports has aided facilities and tenants in visualizing energy usage trends and identify areas for improvement. According to a 2013 survey, 56% of tenants made energy-saving recommendations to the building owners, suggesting that tenants are willing to collaborate with the building owners (Doll & de Oliveria, 2017). Furthermore, the city facilitates the disclosure program by offering key information about how to maximize energy efficiency. Even the medium and small tenant buildings are involved in the program through a Carbon Certification Program that rewards high-performing buildings and making the energy efficiency data open for the public.

Tokyo plans to cut building energy usage in all tenant buildings by around one-sixth by 2020, and to cut city-wide energy use by 30% by 2030, thanks to the innovative initiatives of ‘Cap- and-Trade and Emission Reporting Scheme’, ‘Tenant Rating and Disclosure Program’ and ‘Carbon Certification Program’.

Environmental benefit: The reduction in overall energy consumption directly reduces greenhouse gas emissions, thus leading to climate resiliency. It also raises public consciousness about resource scarcity, the effective use of limited non-renewable resources, and the promotion of renewable energy production.

Social benefit: Positive citizen collaboration is often a good sign and a symbol of unity that adds to the character of a city or community. It contributes to a better quality of life. It also has a positive impact on community preparedness and resilience in the face of disasters such as extreme weather events.

Economic benefit: Energy-saving initiatives like these minimize the total energy expenditure of buildings, benefiting both residents and owners.

This can also be seen as a circular city solution in the energy consumption sector, helping to make our cities more sustainable and climate resilient by improving the utilization of assets and products.

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8. Case Study III — Hong Kong

8.1 Challenge

Asia has experienced a booming economy, massive rural to urban migration, and rapidly growing urban cities with shrinking green spaces over the past decade. Among the many advantages of urban green spaces, such as reducing temperature and noise, improved air quality, they also provide an environment that benefits our physical, mental and social well-being. With such a large influx of people moving into cities, urban green spaces are being encroached and destroyed in most Asian cities, posing a serious threat to ecological balance and healthy living.

The demand for cooling in hot and humid Hong Kong is increasing in tandem with global temperatures, resulting in increased energy usage of air conditioners and cooling systems, which contributes to global warming. Hong Kong is already a densely packed concrete jungle with minimal green spaces and artificial cooling systems taking a huge toll on the city’s sustainability. Hong Kong is expanding its city’s spatial reach to meet the city’s growing population and is currently constructing its second central business district on the old Kai Tak airport named Kowloon East. In order to create a unique and sustainable community, the city must be built economically appealing while still maintaining the region’s climate resilience and carbon dioxide mitigation capabilities.

8.2 Solution

To ensure the climate change impacts were mitigated, the city incorporated green development policies and instruments into the neighborhood’s redevelopment plan. The redevelopment plan not only aims to transform Kowloon East into Hong Kong’s second central business district but also a resilient, low-carbon community. Its future-proofing plan includes a district cooling system that pumps the coolant from two central chillers to approximately 1.73 million square meters of floor space through more than 39 kilometers of leak-detection piping. The system, which uses seawater from the surrounding Kowloon Bay, is projected to save 85 million kWh of electricity annually once completed in a city where cooling systems account for 30% of electricity demand (C40 Cities, 2017).

The system’s advantages for building owners and tenants go far beyond carbon dioxide emission reductions, such as developers saving money on cooling equipment. Residents will also enjoy a more spacious and liveable region without the pollution, noise, and space taken up by traditional cooling systems. In addition, new and existing buildings in the region will be required to obtain green certifications. As of 2017, Kowloon East’s 30 green building projects have lowered carbon dioxide emissions by 56,100 metric tonnes per year. Also apart from the energy savings, the redevelopment plans encourage active mobility within the region by enhancing walkability and creating well-connected pedestrian networks. One-third of Kowloon East will be public space, with 60% of that land constituting green spaces, promoting a safe, healthy, and close to nature environment (C40 Cities, 2017).

Environmental benefit: The district cooling system would reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 59,500 tonnes per year as compared to air-cooled systems. Furthermore, by freeing up roof space, the region is able to achieve a 30% greenery cover, which is significantly higher than the city’s average. Nitrogen dioxide, PM10, and PM2.5 concentrations in the Kwun Tong region of Kowloon East decreased by 12.7%, 10.2%, and 12.9%, respectively, in 2015, as compared to the 2011 baseline values (C40 Cities, 2017).

Social benefit: The green spaces improve the quality of life and give the opportunity for architects to design unique roof gardens and green roofs to promote social interaction.

Economic benefit: The district cooling system allows for more flexible building design while saving up to 10% of the capital costs needed to install traditional cooling systems.

In the field of developing sustainable communities, this may take the form of a circular city solution, in which we extend the life of an asset, such as water, by using it for cooling.

These three case studies are only a handful of the many circular city strategies that Asian cities are implementing. It is critical that we build our future cities in a sustainable, climate-resilient way, and circular cities could enable us to do so.

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References

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